The Finance Minister, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, declared at a
recent meeting of Governors of Central Banks of the West African Monetary Zone
in Abuja recently that our reserves had risen to about $44.6bn.
Any confidence, which this relatively healthy reserve base
should inspire, may have inadvertently been dampened a few days earlier, by
Central Bank of Nigeria’s claim, at the Save Nigeria Group’s anniversary of the
fuel subsidy protests. The CBN’s Director of Research, Charles Mordi, had
warned at that forum that although our foreign reserves are about $43bn, only
$13bn (i.e., the ECA and Sovereign Wealth Fund) actually belongs to Nigerians,
while inexplicably, the balance of $30bn belongs to the CBN!
Mordi explained that since the CBN had paid constitutional
beneficiaries naira values in place of the distributable dollar revenue, the
apex bank had become the owners of the dollar balance. In other words,
since Nigerians had consumed the naira equivalent of $30bn, it would be akin to
having your cake and eating it, if Nigerians insisted on laying claim also to
the substituted dollars. The question that obviously begs for answer in
such a bizarre circumstance is whether or not a slave can be richer than its
master.
Thus, the bigger the distributable dollar revenue, the bigger
will be the burden of cash surplus induced by substitution of huge naira
allocations, and the greater therefore will be the challenges of inflation,
cost of funds, rising national debt and a weaker naira. But guess what,
the bigger the size of such unsolicited naira substitutions, the bigger also
will be the CBN’s dollar profits from its currency transactions.
The CBN cache of dollars may have funded serial looting of the
treasury in the last 30 years, as both military and civilian presidents had
access to a dollar pool that belonged to no one but the CBN, which has absolute
discretion over disbursement. Indeed, the $450m unilaterally diverted by
an ex-CBN Governor to start a bank probably came from this fund. The
billions of dollars committed to the power contracts and the Paris Club debt
payments prior to legislative approval may have also found this unencumbered
dollar pool quite handy. The CBN also claims to deploy its “autonomous’’
dollar reserves to support the naira and also serve as collateral to reduce
cost of foreign loans to our government. Paradoxically, the naira remains
weak in spite of increasing dollar income, while the cost of our foreign loans
still exceeds the cost of such loans to distressed economies elsewhere.
Ironically too, while the Federal Government goes cap-in-hand
seeking both domestic and international loans at outrageous costs for such
risk-free sovereign debts, our own Central Bank liberally allocates billions of
same dollars, which exist outside the federation’s consolidated revenue account
to Bureaux de Change at face value. The apex bank is obviously
unconcerned that treasury looters and smugglers of those contraband, which
destroy our local industries, are in reality, also the major beneficiaries of
the CBN’s unfettered dollar supply to the black market.
The CBN insists that it deploys its formidable chest of
‘captured’ dollars to modulate critical aspects of our economic and social
welfare; examples of such interventions include the selective cash donations to
victims of violence in some parts of Northern Nigeria and the N1bn donation to
a certain ‘beloved’ university. Similarly, a recent advertisement
suggests that the apex bank is embarking on interventions in secondary,
tertiary and other public institutions, under its 2013 capital projects.
The establishment of six Enterprise Development Centres in each of the
geopolitical regions and the N2tn cash injection to currently debt-crippled
Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria are all part of the CBN’s fruitless and
inappropriate efforts at ameliorating the adverse impact of its failed monetary
strategy.
The question is why is the CBN wilfully distracted from the
pursuit of its mandate of price stability with these direct interventions in
areas where established ministries and agencies, with statutory allocations,
should have the appropriate structure for better service delivery; why the
avoidable duplication of structures? Moreover, the equity and yardstick
for selecting beneficiaries for such interventions remain as hazy as its shroud
on its expenditure and staff remuneration budget.
For over a decade now, we have decried the totally inappropriate
framework within which the CBN captures the federation’s dollar revenue and
substitutes monthly naira allocations; this arrangement has created serious
dislocations and disruptions in our economy. In a belated recognition of
the weakness of this system, a former Governor of the CBN, Prof. Chukwuma
Soludo, attempted to favourably reconstruct our monetary model, such that
dollar-denominated revenue would be paid with dollar certificates rather than
with bloated naira creations. Surprisingly, for over five years, prior to
his recommendation, Soludo was in aggressive denial of our widely publicised
advocacy for such an alternative payment system, which had the potential to
quickly resolve policy contradictions and stimulate economic growth with
improved social welfare and employment opportunities.
The CBN directors at the SNG forum readily admitted that Soludo’s
Strategic Agenda for the naira, which was in sync with our recommendations, was
the product of sound professional judgment, but unexpectedly, implementation
was summarily truncated by the late President Umaru Yar’Adua’s rejection of the
proposed naira redenomination and a restructured payment system.
The excuse that President Yar’Adua stopped Soludo’s pet project
because it was unconstitutional is quite untenable, because the CBN’s autonomy
in such monetary matters was clearly enshrined in the 2007 CBN Act. What
is possibly nearer the truth will be Yar’Adua’s consternation that naira
redenomination, as proposed by Soludo, entailed fresh commitment of billions of
naira to production and promotion of a new currency profile (including revised
coins structure) to replace all the new denominations, which the CBN introduced
only eight months earlier with equally great production and publicity
cost! Ultimately, Yar’Adua threw away the baby with the bathwater without
a whimper of protest from Soludo, who succumbed to the trappings of office
rather than adherence to professional integrity. Regrettably, Soludo
lacked the courage to stand by his professional judgment, and quickly
backpedalled to once again reinstate the existing economically poisonous and ultimately
destabilising framework of naira substitution, with its inherent liberal
opportunities for corrupt practices!
In truth, until we accept the obvious good sense in stopping
impulsive creation and substitution of naira allocations for dollar-derived
revenue, poverty will deepen even with rapidly increasing dollar revenue, as is
currently the case, but the CBN’s autonomous dollar harvest will continue to
bloom. What a paradox!
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